Wednesday, February 28, 2007

Supporters seeking new lawyer for Celil


Supporters of Huseyin Celil, a Canadian citizen detained in China, say that his court-appointed lawyer is inadequate and that Canada's Department of Foreign Affairs has recommended they obtain independent legal advice there.

Mr. Celil, who was born in China but came to Canada as a refugee in 2001, was detained in Uzbekistan last March while travelling with his family on Canadian passports. Last summer, Uzbekistan deported him to China, where he faces multiple terrorism-related charges. Despite his Canadian citizenship, Mr. Celil has so far been denied access to Canadian consulate officials or lawyers.

Mr. Celil is a member of the Uighur people, a Muslim minority group whose calls for greater independence have angered officials in Beijing. Chinese officials have for years accused myriad Uighurs of terrorism -- one of Mr. Celil's childhood acquaintances was executed in China earlier this month -- but members of the Uighur community abroad say any act of defiance or separatism easily falls under the Chinese definition of terrorism.

Mehmet Tohti, the president of the Uighur Canadian Association, sent an e-mail to supporters yesterday asking for donations to help raise the $12,000 he estimates it will cost to hire an independent lawyer in China.

Mr. Tohti said he is unsure a new lawyer will be of much use to Mr. Celil. "The political powers in Beijing have already made a decision," he said of Mr. Celil's legal fate.

But a new lawyer might at least be able to prepare and present some documents in Mr. Celil's defence, something it doesn't appear his current lawyer has been able to do, Mr. Tohti said.

Mr. Tohti spoke with Mr. Celil's court-appointed lawyer over the weekend, he said. The lawyer told him he had met with Canadian officials, but otherwise there was little progress.

"He seemed a little bit scared," Mr. Tohti said of the lawyer.

In the meantime, Mr. Celil's immediate fate remains unclear. The first and last time he was seen in a public setting since his detention last March was early this month, when he appeared in a Chinese courtroom to hear charges against him.

While the practice of obtaining an independent lawyer is relatively straightforward in Canada, it is a far more unorthodox process in China, said Alex Neve, Canadian director of Amnesty International. Mr. Neve has been closely working on Mr. Celil's case since early in his detention.

Engaging China requires a balance of values and interests


Special to Globe and Mail Update

The recent exchange in the news media between the Canadian government and China's assistant minister of foreign affairs underlines fundamental differences in the approach to building the kind of relationship where difficult questions can be raised, discussed and settled in a mutually respectful manner that is likely to lead to change. Beijing may place more importance on relationships than other governments, but an open and trusting rapport is a prerequisite to achieving diplomatic goals for most countries.

We support the view that foreign policy toward China must represent the full range of Canada's values and interests, which cannot be pursued in isolation or with one as a precondition to the other. Trade, investment and human rights are all indisputably important elements of the bilateral relationship. No one suggests that Canada pursue a purely commercial relationship. But if the focus is solely on human rights and public rebukes in a situation absent of a trusting relationship, Canada runs the risk of seeing its values ignored without seeing any of its interests met.

There is no doubt that political change in China has proceeded much more slowly than economic development, which has lifted hundreds of millions above the World Bank poverty line since China's opening in 1978. It is not surprising that Beijing has focused on economic rights during its initial growth. But there are many indicators that an understanding of human rights is developing and progress is being made.

China's five-year plan for 2006-2011 focuses very specifically on the quality of growth and social stability. This includes the need to develop environmental protection standards and enforcement, social safety nets, educational improvements, health reform, measures to improve conditions for migrant labour and other goals. Officials spend considerable time examining foreign experiences to see how they might be applied to China.

Canada has played a positive role in this development through engagement from a variety of sources: business, Canadian International Development Agency projects, university exchanges and training programs. China has sought advice from Canadian insurers on various aspects of establishing an effective public pension fund system, a key priority for future social stability. Canadian-trained Chinese judges have been making landmark decisions. While it is often assumed that human rights are universal and inalienable, the institutions we build to protect them are imperfect and are constantly evolving. That has been the case for Canada — our experience is what we need to share.

China has demonstrated considerable openness to hearing ideas. But it is one thing to present ideas and suggestions; it is quite another to make demands. The country's colonial past has made it highly sensitive to perceived outside pressure. There is a growing popular resentment to foreign lecturing in the absence of deep understanding of the Chinese realities. (Even in the Western world, lecturing is a delicate affair, be it presidential candidates in France or U.S. ambassadors in Ottawa.)

With growing global influence, China has become an increasingly active participant in the global economic and political system. An accelerated timetable of World Trade Organization accession, which imposed significant hardships for Chinese domestic firms, demonstrated just how determined the country was to become a full global player. China made a similar commitment to constructive participation in the United Nations and its agencies, as well as in multilateral financial institutions. The importance of China's integration in the international system is perhaps best demonstrated by Beijing's participation in reaching a tentative deal on Pyongyang's nuclear program. If we imagine an isolated, marginalized and nuclear China alongside North Korea, in place of an integrated and engaged China, the situation in that part of the world would be considerably more critical and less predictable.

There is no doubt that the bilateral relationship is complicated by attempts to resolve ongoing consular cases. Certainly, we expect China and other countries to fully recognize and respect the rights of Canadian citizens abroad, and for our government to pursue those interests vigorously. The challenge is overcoming fundamental differences in perspectives in cases such as those of Huseyin Celil and Lai Changxing.

Both Canada and China need to pursue acceptable solutions to individual cases without risking a wide range of bilateral interests. A mutually respectful relationship is a precondition to finding workable solutions to specific cases and maintaining the other dialogues central to the relationship. (China contends Mr. Celil's name is one of many aliases for Guler Dilaver, a Chinese citizen who was under an Interpol red notice at the time that Mr. Celil successfully applied for refugee status in Canada. Mr. Lai remains one of China's most wanted fugitives, but is afforded all due process in Canada.)

Massive social change is clearly under way in China. In order to help encourage and facilitate this reform, we need to appreciate that effective and constructive dialogue, on any subject, is based on a relationship built on trust and mutual respect. And mutual respect requires some understanding of the differences between our own two societies. In this regard, the recent visits by the Canadian Ministers of Finance, International Trade, Natural Resources and Agriculture were most valuable.

Let us therefore engage China effectively on human rights. Let us also have a comprehensive and balanced framework for our bilateral and multilateral discussions. For the pursuit of values without also emphasizing interests puts both at risk.

Sergio Marchi is a former international trade minister and ambassador to the WTO who serves as president of the Canada China Business Council.

Thursday, February 22, 2007

Senator blasts Harper's stand on China



CanWest News Service; Vancouver Sun

Published: Thursday, February 22, 2007

Senator Jack Austin said former prime minister Jean Chretien was particularly successful in securing the release of political prisoners.

OTTAWA - Prime Minister Stephen Harper's "morally-righteous" criticism of China makes it less likely, not more, that Beijing will agree to release political prisoners such as Huseyin Celil, Liberal Senator Jack Austin said Wednesday in an interview marking his retirement from the Senate.

Austin, who has advocated closer Canada-China ties throughout his business and political career, said the government's focus on human rights will backfire for both political prisoners and Canadian businesses.

"It makes it even more difficult," said Austin, who hits the Senate's mandatory-retirement age of 75 on March 2. "How can they let him (Celil) go when it would say to the world, 'Oh, anybody who bashes us on moral high ground will get results from us?'"

Austin said the same dynamic makes it unlikely China will give Canada Approved Destination Status, which would allow Canada to tap into the potentially huge market of middle-class Chinese travelling overseas. Canada is one of the few countries in the world without ADS.

An agreement to improve protection of investor rights for Canadian firms operating in China is also at stake, he said.

Harper and his ministers have regularly blasted China's dismal human rights record, citing in particular the Celil case. The prime minister has said his government won't stop speaking out for the sake of the "almighty dollar."

The Chinese last year jailed the Canadian activist, who was born and raised in China and is a member of the Uyghur minority group, alleging he has terrorist links.

China does not recognize his Canadian citizenship.

A call and e-mail to Harper's office wasn't returned.

Vancouver Sun

© CanWest News Service 2007

Resolve dual-citizenship row with China, MPs urged

Link

Resolve dual-citizenship row with China, MPs urged

300,000 Canadian passport holders at risk because of Beijing's policy, experts warn

OTTAWA -- In the wake of the Huseyin Celil human-rights case, a parliamentary subcommittee is grappling with the question of what Ottawa can do to protect thousands of Canadians of Chinese origin if they run afoul of the authorities in China.

Experts told the international human rights subcommittee of the House yesterday that about 300,000 Canadian passport holders of Chinese origin live or work in China or travel to other places in Asia where their status as Canadian citizens might be questioned if they got into a legal jam.

The Harper government would be wise to turn down the political volume and try to improve relations with Beijing to find a solution to the dual-citizenship issue, the panel was told by Paul Evans, chairman of the Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada, and former Liberal trade minister Sergio Marchi, who is now president of the Canada China Business Council.

Prime Minister Stephen Harper has linked relations with China to the case of Mr. Celil, a Canadian born in China and was deported back there by Uzbekistan, even though he was travelling on his Canadian passport. China refuses to recognize dual citizenship for people born in China. Mr. Celil is being tried in China on terrorism charges.

A huge number of other Canadians of Chinese origin are "potentially at risk" because Beijing won't recognize their Canadian citizenship, Mr. Evans said.

"We don't think megaphone diplomacy is an alternative that will advance the cause" of human rights in dealings with China," Mr. Marchi said.

The Chinese resent "being lectured to by foreigners," he added.

"There are times when the Chinese don't make life easy" for Canada, Mr. Marchi said. "That's not reason enough to shout louder."

Mr. Evans said Canada risks losing a lot of business if the Conservative government does not build a warm political relationship with China.

Liberal and Conservative MPs on the subcommittee, including chairman Jason Kenney, the Secretary of State for Multiculturalism, challenged the witnesses to demonstrate that any Canadian company has lost business with China because the year-old Harper government is taking a harder line on human rights.

It is hard to demonstrate that commercial retaliation takes place, Mr. Evans said. "No, we can't point to specifics. But we don't know yet the full Chinese reaction to cool political relations."

Chinese political officials still have a big say on megaprojects and in what foreign countries are allowed to do business in the aviation and financial-services sectors, Mr. Evans added.

Mr. Marchi said there is evidence France lost a nuclear reactor sale to China because Beijing was angry with a French decision to sell jet warplanes to Taiwan.

Mr. Kenney didn't seem to be impressed, citing current figures showing that Canada runs a lopsided trade deficit with China.

He also said that Canadian business with China did not languish, but actually grew after Canada's chilly response to the Tiananmen Square massacre in Beijing in 1989.

The Chinese are engaging in industrial espionage in Canada, stealing corporate secrets, Mr. Kenney said.

Thursday, February 22, 2007 on Page A2

Tuesday, February 20, 2007

Another Canadian held by Chinese


Mississauga electronics supplier held for four months over business dispute
Feb 20, 2007 04:30 AM

STAFF REPORTER

A Chinese Canadian businessman from Mississauga has been detained – without formal charge – in Fujian, China, for four months in the midst of a business dispute with his distribution company's Hong Kong supplier.

The Ontario Superior Court of Justice has scheduled a hearing into the dispute involving Jimmy Chen Jian Yuan in March. But his wife, Yang Jian Ping, says the family has been bullied by the supplier's parent company in mainland China, Wanlida Group, to turn over most of the company "in exchange for his release by the Chinese authorities."

The company owned by Chen, 50, distributed DVD players and other electronic equipment under the Malata brand name to stores such as the Bay, Sears, Future Shop and Best Buy. Chen was detained by Chinese customs officials upon his arrival Oct. 13 at Shenzhen, on the Hong Kong-mainland border, while he was headed for a trade show in Guangdong and a scheduled meeting with Wanlida executives in their Fujian headquarters.

He was transferred immediately to the Zhang Zhou City First Police Detention in Fujian, where he remains in custody.

The "notice of detention" issued by the Zhang Zhou police Oct. 16 claimed Chen was being held for "the alleged criminal offence of contract fraud," based on Wanlida's allegations that he had defrauded the company of $5 million (U.S.) in inventory.

In 2005, Malata Group (Hong Kong) filed a civil suit in Ontario, complaining that Chen's company hadn't been paying on time. Chen's company argued that there had been shipping delays and quality issues with the Chinese products, leading to high inventory volume and overdue payments.

The Ontario court has since seized the Canadian company's inventory, worth about $3.7 million, as well as bank accounts totalling close to $1.8 million.

The case is expected to be heard next month.

Chen's Beijing lawyer, Li Ke Min, characterized the case as "a typical economic dispute instead of a contract fraud," and insisted China's courts have no jurisdiction because Chen never entered into a direct contract with the mainland China company. The case is a civil matter, not criminal, he noted.

"To protect the interests of the local Wanlida Group Co. Ltd. (in China), some individuals of Zhang Zhou Public Security Authority intervened in an economic dispute regardless of what laws and regulations had stipulated," Li, of the Beijing Ruide Law Office, said in a Chinese-language statement. "What Zhan Zhou Public Security Authority has done to Chen seriously breached related regulations."

Officials with China's embassy in Ottawa and Wanlida in China could not be reached for comment yesterday due to the Chinese New Year holiday.

However, Chinese officials have recognized Chen's Canadian citizenship and allowed the Canadian consul from Guangdong to visit him twice to ensure he's in good health.

According to court documents filed in Ontario, Chen, an electrical engineer who moved here from Fujian in 1994 as an entrepreneur, began wholesaling Wanlida products – most noted for their popular karaoke devices – in Canada in 1999. He registered the Malata trademark here in 2001. The Canadian company had more than $10 million in annual sales in North America and Europe before the seizure shut it down.

Founded by Wu Hui Tian in 1984, Wanlida is one of China's top electronics enterprises, employing 10,000 people. It focuses on high- and new-technology electronics, from small appliances to GPS products to digital audio and video.

Chen's wife told the Star the conflict emerged in 2004, when Wanlida expressed interest in taking control of the independent Canadian operation. The dispute and subsequent civil lawsuit with the Hong Kong company followed.

"My husband and I went to China in good faith, hoping to talk to Mr. Wu and negotiate a settlement. The officers at the customs simply took him for questioning. They sent me away. No one told me why he was taken into custody," recalled Yang, who hasn't been allowed to see her husband since his arrest. The family lawyer has met Chen only three times, the last in December.

Yang points out that the notice of detention, which she managed to obtain later, describes the date of his arrest as June 14 – four months earlier than his actual arrival.

"I wonder whether my husband's detention was legal, or was it merely a case where the Chinese officials are helping the rich people to get whatever they want?" she said in an interview. "The dispute is already in front of a Canadian court and the case should be dealt with here by the rule of law."

The couple's daughter, Chen Yan, said she and her mother met privately with a Wanlida official in Fujian in November, after her father's arrest, and were offered a settlement that would involve transferring 97 per cent of Malata Canada's assets to Wanlida's Hong Kong subsidiary.

"It was proposed to us verbally. They said they'd not show it to us in writing until we promised we'd sign it. Or my father would be in China for a very long time," recalled Chen Yan, 25. "It became very clear to me that my father's arrest is closely related to (the lawsuit here). They basically are using the Chinese authority to arrest my father, so they can force us to settle in Canada."

The family rejected the offer and sought help from Canada's foreign affairs department.

Spokesperson Ambra Dickie said the department is aware of the case but refused to give details, citing the Privacy Act. She did say that under Chinese law a detainee cannot make or receive calls, and visitors are banned except for lawyers and consulate officials.

Chen's detention follows that of another Canadian citizen, Huseyin Celil, 38, a Burlington imam who was arrested last March in Uzbekistan and extradited to China on charges of alleged terrorism, stemming from his political activities on behalf of China's Uyghur minority in the mid-1990s. In that case, Chinese officials have refused to recognize Celil's rights as a dual citizen.

In an Angus Reid survey of 1,175 Canadians released yesterday, 74 per cent believed the Canadian government should more aggressively protest the treatment of Celil and publicly condemn China's action; 72 per cent said Canada must place more emphasis on China's human rights and minority rights, ahead of its economic interests in the country.

According to the foreign affairs department's information booklet for Canadian travellers, when legal issues arise, consular officials do not: intervene in private legal matters; provide legal advice; post bail, fines or fees; get citizens out of jail; take possession of an abducted child; investigate a crime or death; or ask local authorities to give preferential treatment to Canadians.

"Your Canadian citizenship offers no immunity," the 29-page advisory warns.

"Never assume that the legal system of another country is the same as at home. `Innocent until proven guilty' is not a universal principle."

Canadians Assess Action on Huseyin Celil Case

Angus Reid Global Monitor : Polls & Research

Canadians Assess Action on Huseyin Celil Case

February 19, 2007

(Angus Reid Global Monitor) - Many adults in Canada have a clear idea of the way their federal administration should deal with the case of Huseyin Celil, according to a poll by Angus Reid Strategies. 53 per cent of respondents think the Canadian government should protest the treatment of Celil, who is being held by Chinese authorities on terrorism charges, through regular diplomatic channels.

Conversely, 21 per cent of respondents want the government to publicly condemn China’s actions, even if it risks possible retaliation, while 12 per cent would let the Chinese legal system determine whether Celil is guilty.

On Feb. 9, Canadian prime minister Stephen Harper responded to the statements of a Chinese official who warned Canada not to criticize the Asian country’s human rights record because it could harm bilateral relations, saying, "I would point out to any Chinese official that just as a matter of fact, China had a huge trade surplus with this country, so it would be in the interest of the Chinese government to make sure any dealings on trade are fair and above board." 72 per cent of respondents think Canada should place more emphasis on human rights and minority rights, regardless of the economic implications, in its long-term policy with China.

In relation to the Celil’s case, Harper added: "There are those in the opposition who will say, ‘You know, China is an important country, so we shouldn’t really protest these things (...) so maybe someday we’ll be able to sell more goods there.’ I think that’s irresponsible. I think the government of Canada, when a Canadian citizen is ill-treated and when the rights of a Canadian citizen need to be defended, I think it’s always the obligation of the government of Canada to vocally and publicly stand up for that Canadian citizen. That is what we will continue to do."

Celil immigrated to Canada in 2001, and was arrested and sent to China during a trip to Uzbekistan in 2006. China has treated Celil as a Chinese citizen, despite the fact that the country signed an agreement with Canada in 1997, where it pledges to consider any person travelling with a Canadian passport as a Canadian citizen, regardless of his or her place of birth.

Polling Data

As you may know, a dual Chinese-Canadian citizen named Huseyin Celil is being held by Chinese authorities on terrorism charges. The Canadian government believes there is no clear evidence that Celil, a minority rights activist, has committed any offences. Which of these statements comes closest to your own view?

The Canadian government should
protest the treatment of Celil through
regular diplomatic channels

53%

The Canadian government should
publicly condemn China’s actions, even
if it risks possible retaliation

21%

The Canadian government should do
nothing and let the Chinese legal system
determine whether Celil is guilty

12%

Not sure

14%

In terms of Canada’s long-term policy with China, where do you think we should place more emphasis?

On human rights and minority rights,
regardless of the economic implications

72%

On the trading relationship, regardless
of the human rights situation in China

28%

Source: Angus Reid Strategies
Methodology: Online interviews with 1,175 Canadian adults, conducted on Feb. 13 and Feb. 14, 2007. Margin of error is 2.9 per cent.

for PDF Report

Sunday, February 18, 2007

With China, quiet diplomacy's a better bet

From Wednesday's Globe and Mail

An apparent misunderstanding clouds how Canadians view dustups over human rights. We seem to think that because a person holds a Canadian passport, he or she should automatically be accorded the full protection of the Canadian government, including consular access. Nothing could be further from reality in countries that do not recognize dual citizenship, such as Iran and Syria. If someone there is a dual national, the Canadian citizenship doesn't count.

China is a different story. In 1997, Canada and China signed an agreement whereby, if a dual citizen entered China on a Canadian passport, China agreed he or she would be considered a Canadian.

Confusion over Canada's ability and right to intervene on behalf of dual nationals is apparently not known by at least some of the dual nationals themselves, despite lots of information on government websites and documents. Some people seem unaware of their precarious legal status when travelling to their country of origin, expecting, if they get in trouble, that the Canadian government can, and will, come to their aid.

These days, attention is focused on the case of Huseyin Celil, who emigrated to Canada from China. On a trip to Uzbekistan, he was arrested and shipped to China. He has been held at an undisclosed location for about eight months.

If he entered China on his Canadian passport, he ought to have been afforded Canadian consular access. Chances are, however, the Chinese grabbed him, disregarded his Canadian passport, claimed him to be Chinese, and are telling Canada to butt out.

As part of their campaign of lecturing and hectoring the Chinese, Prime Minister Stephen Harper and other ministers have been pressing the Celil case, demanding Canadian consular access.

From China's perspective, Mr. Celil isn't a Canadian. This observation does not defend the Chinese treatment of Mr. Celil, but it does explain some of the evident confusion. The Chinese consider it a bit rich being lectured to by Canada, a convenient place for refugees from Chinese justice to land and remain.

Lai Changxing fled China in 1999 as the alleged mastermind of a multi-billion dollar smuggling ring. He's not the first alleged crook from China and other countries to land in Canada and demand refugee status. Given our creaky refugee system, he certainly won't be the last.

Immigration Canada finally got a deportation order for Mr. Lai in June of 2006. A ticket was purchased for his return to China. At the last second, Madam Justice Carolyn Layden-Stevenson of the Federal Court stayed the deportation because Mr. Lai might be executed or face torture in China. More legal reviews are unfolding. The Chinese, reasonably enough, are peeved.

Mr. Lai's is not the only example of people wanted in China fleeing to Canada. A pair of Bank of China employees reached Vancouver in 2001 after allegedly stealing $57-million from a branch in south China. They have not been returned.

Beijing has formally asked Ottawa to arrest and deport a fugitive bank manager, Gao Shan, who is accused of embezzling $150-million from customers. No response.

Corruption is endemic in China. Western countries and businesses bemoan shady dealings, shakedowns, copyright violations, lack of property rights and payoffs. Yet, when China does go after someone for corruption, and that someone flees to Canada for safety, we don't act expeditiously to help. Instead, we lecture the Chinese about their human-rights record.

People in custody here are not tortured, as they sometimes are in China. Legal protections exist in Canada that eclipse anything in China. But from China's perspective, we lecture it about how it handles cases but we slough off its complaints about its nationals taking refuge in Canada.

The Harper government is very keen on finger-wagging at the Chinese. The chief finger-wagger is a junior minister, Jason Kenney, who used to be Mr. Harper's parliamentary secretary and saw him every day. His job in Cabinet is to win ethnic votes for the Conservatives.

Maybe the Harperites think finger-wagging is good domestic politics and a clever way to run foreign policy. It would help the credibility of this finger-wagging if Canada handled cases of concern to the Chinese with a little more dispatch.

It's also likely, although counterintuitive to neophytes in foreign policy, that quiet persistence wins human-rights cases more often than megaphone diplomacy.jsimpson@globeandmail.com